George W. Bush, A Judiciary Of One

SOURCE:  Scoop Independent News

M. Collins

Saturday, 15 September 2007, 11:12 am
Opinion: Michael Collins George W. Bush, A Judiciary Of One


Signing the 21st Century Nanotechnology R & D Act, all the better to bug you.
Signing statement issued. Objections 297 - 301. jurvetson

Presidential Signing Statements

The Bush-Cheney White House is responsible for the birth of a new constitutional doctrine. He has elevated himself to become a judiciary of one. . When the president signs legislation passed by Congress, he frequently adds his own signing statement stating those legislative provisions he intends to ignore based on his interpretation of the Constitution. This caused the New York Times to note, “President Bush doesn't bother with vetoes; he simply declares his intention not to enforce anything he dislikes.”

Through the magic of the president’s petulant pen, signing statements never mentioned in the Constitution, Bush has ordered the torture of prisoners and spying on U.S. citizens without a warrant. Just have the boys in the back room knock out one of those signing statements. It’s all good.

But this seems odd. We’ve never seen a creature quite like this before. As Common Sense Common Grounds poster Noonan points out, the U.S. Constitution describes the division of federal powers in a fashion that even a sixth grader can understand.

The following is from the American Barr Association’s Law Day curriculum for elementary school students.


Grades 4-6
Separation of Powers: Connecting the Separate Powers

Objectives
    Students will:
  • Understand the concept of separation of powers.
  • Recognize how the Constitution provides for separation of powers.
  • Categorize public officials into one of three branches of government.

Apparently the current occupants of the White House were so clever they skipped the sixth grade. This was evidenced most recently when Vice President Cheney tried to tell the House Government Oversight and Government Reform Committee that he wasn’t a member of the executive branch. Which branch might you belong to, he was asked? Unfortunately Cheney backed down without uttering what was probably on his mind, “The only one that counts, my branch you fools!”

The Limited Use of Signing Statements in the Past

It is not uncommon for a president to attach a signing statement to legislation outlining the importance and significance of the act either to the public or government agencies. These are called rhetorical and political signing statements. They don’t change or challenge laws passed. Broad based constitutional signing statements, uncommon in the past, are now a very serious matter. Essentially, the chief executive states that he will not enforce parts of legislation that he signs into law because he thinks it is unconstitutional, a power not granted to the president.

Jennifer Van Bergen cites James Madison’s most salient argument against this executive hubris:


The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.

Legal scholar, Neil Kinkopf carries Madison’s analysis forward:

The assertion of a presidential power to refuse to enforce a law stands in deep tension with the constitution. As the Supreme court has repeatedly recognized, the take care clause--which provides that the President "shall take care that the Laws be faithfully executed"--establishes that the President does not hold the royal prerogative of a dispensing power, which is the power to dispense with or suspend the execution of the laws. The take care clause, then, makes plain that the President is duty-bound to enforce all the laws, whether he agrees with them or not.

If a president feels compelled to issue a signing statement, it’s expected that he will proceed only when a dire constitutional violation is involved He should attempt to get the sections he finds abjectly unconstitutional changed by Congress and also take the matter to the Courts. President Clinton objected to a defense bill requiring immediate discharge of military personnel with HIV AIDS. After the signing statement, he tried to reverse this legislatively and took it to court. This was the rare exception, not the rule until 2001.

The Bush Signing Statements – Slouching Toward Tyranny

It’s no surprise that the two previous reigning champions of signing statements include former President’s Reagan and George H.W. Bush. But their record is nothing compared to the 43rd president. He signs with a vengeance invoking broad constitutional powers foreign to the executive branch. He is a self proclaimed judiciary of one.

Unless Bush thought this up on his own, it was some strange council that urged the frequent use of the aberrant practice. Cheney, Gonzales, or Ted Olson, who knows? There’s a long list of suspects.

Despite having a Republican Congress for the first six years of his reign, Bush issued signing statements containing 1046 constitutional challenges to the legislation that he’s signed. There are two common elements.

The first is petulance. If he wants to ignore any part of a bill that Congress passes, Bush simply issues a signing statement and implements his subversive scheme. As Kinkopf said earlier, “… the President does not hold the royal prerogative of a dispensing power … the power to dispense with or suspend the execution of the laws.”

The second element involves an Orwellian process of creating meaningless words that support the process. The key words are unitary executive. Stripping away historical distortions, “the unitary executive is a code word for a doctrine that favors nearly unlimited executive power. Bush has used the doctrine in his signing statements to quietly expand presidential authority.”

Legal scholar and former Reagan Justice Department official, Bruce Fein, testified before Congress and explained how the process works. Fein pointed out that the Bush signing statement for the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005, which prohibited torture, lead to a 180 degree change in the law:


unitary executive and Commander in Chief powers (used in the signing statement) clearly signify that President Bush is asserting that he is constitutionally entitled to commit torture if he believes it would assist the gathering of foreign intelligence. President Bush nullified a provision of statute that he had signed into law and which he was then obliged to faithfully execute.
Bruce Fein, June 27, 2006, Senate Committee on the Judiciary


Torture and White House protest courtesy of signing statements. War supporters in the background exercise their constitutional rights by suggesting that the protesters wires be turned live. WikiMedia Commons and MatthewBradley, Creative Commons

Perpetual Power Consolidated

Perpetual presidential power consolidated is the purpose of these statements. An historical interpretation places the emergence of signing statements in the context of declining presidential power as a result of the Viet Nam War and Watergate. In reaction to these events, chief executives, particularly the current Bush, tasked their Office of Legal Counsel to find a way to accumulate more power for the executive branch.

While this effort has achieved spectacular results, I argue that the diminished presidential powers after Nixon were more in line with the correct vision of the Constitution’s authors. Their skepticism regarding absolute power was based on first hand experience with rule by a mad monarch plus strong historical evidence. The Parliamentarian victory in the English Civil War brought the possibility of popular rule to the British Isles. As good students of history, they were aware of how that promise was undone by the restoration of monarchy, tyranny by definition, leading to the aggregation of power in the hands of one – the king.

The progress of the United States since the 1950’s is marred by one failure after another due to the delusions allowed by solitary executive functioning. The net gains from the following executive actions are negligible, the losses irredeemable: Viet Nam; massive civil rights violations related to voting, employment, and First Amendment freedoms; the Iran-Contra affair; the several hundred military incursions in foreign lands; 1,000 U.S. military installations in over 60 countries; and the pervasive tragedy of Iraq.

These adventures concocted by presidential tyranny reflect more on the need to control the human lust for power than they do on any rational policy. The costs are subtracted directly from progress made in science, commerce, and the expansion of the creativity and benefits by a population willing to work, experiment, and achieve.

A Whimper Not a Bang

Former Nixon counsel and journalist John Dean discussed the Bush abuse of signing statements. He anticipated a strong reaction from Congress:

In short, Bush's signing statements, which are now going over the top, are going to cause a reaction. It is inevitable. If Republicans lose control of either the House or Senate - and perhaps even if they don't, if the subject is torture or an egregious violation of civil liberties -- then the Bush/Cheney administration will wish it had not issued all those signing statements. John Dean 1/13/06

Wishful thinking for a legislative body which somehow keeps forgetting these words from the Constitution: “The Congress shall have the power … To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water.” (Article 1, Section 8, Clause 1)

The Republicans lost control of both the House and the Senate. But, alas, the reaction of Congress to the unitary executive and his scribbling is barely noticeable. Perhaps the next president will begin his term by attaching a simple note to the first legislation he or she signs: “I will take care that the laws of the United States are faithfully executed.”

ENDS

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New Hampshire could lead the nation to Impeach Bush and Cheney

New Hampshire will have national press coverage, during the primary election. Admittedly, it is difficult to hold outdoor protests, during the New Hampshire winter, but banners and signs could be placed on or in buildings. Voters nationwide would be very impressed to see dedicated protesters, standing in the cold, with their breath visible, to the cameras.

Fortunately, Alberto Gonzales has resigned, along with Wolfowitz, Rumsfeld, Meirs and Rove. Their resignations are a good beginning, but inadequate to repair the damage done to our nation, constitution, Bill of Rights and democracy. The Nixon White House collapsed quickly, when Congress began issueing subpoenas and holding hearings. Congress should not fear a backlash from impeachment. Democrats gained the Presidency when they impeached Nixon - Republicans gained the White House when they impeached Clinton.

Impeachment of Cheney and Bush is vital to restoration of the republic. The Bush administration apparently is operating an illegal politically motivated domestic spying program, in violation of the fourth admendment, and Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. President Bush has written over 700 unconstitutional “signing statements.”

The Iraq civil war continues, with no end in sight and Bush continues to veto every bill Congress passes to limit spending for this disastrous military misadventure. Dick Cheney knew invading Iraq would be a mistake, in the 1990’s and went on record, explaining why, in this televised interview.
http://www.moveon.org/r?r=2879&id=10983-4283714-qFj.aJ&t=2

Congress has been unable to accomplish anything significant, since Bush vetoes any meaningful laws passed by Congress, if Republican Senators do not block passage first. The minimum wage increase passed but was so minimal and obviously inadequate that it is insignificant. Nancy Pelosi is wrong - Cheny and Bush must be impeached, if Congress is to accomplish anything significant.

Here is one of many specific high crimes, which was commited by Vice President Cheney:

George Bush and Dick Cheney passed false information to Congress about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction capabilities, to wit, their possession of chemical weapons, biological weapons, and delivery systems. Furthermore, George Bush and Dick Cheney passed false information to Congress by falsely stating that Iraq was an imminent threat to the United States and that military action was therefore necessary. The false statements are detailed, on Dennis Kucinich’s website and many other websites.

Law violated:
18 USC 1001.
Whoever, in any matter within the jurisdiction of any department or agency of the United States knowingly and willfully falsifies, conceals or covers up by any trick, scheme, or device a material fact, or makes any false, fictitious or fraudulent statements or representations, or makes or uses any false writing or document knowing the same to contain any false, fictitious or fraudulent statement or entry, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.

Nineteen Representatives have now cosponsored H Res 333, Articles of Impeachment for Richard Cheney. Even a poll paid for by Republicans found a majority favored Impeachment of Cheney. Adequate evidence of high crimes and misdeameanors already exists and more will emerge, with investigations.

I do not believe 34 Republican Senators would be willing to risk their seats, by opposing a Cheney conviction in the Senate. Twenty two Republican Senators are up for relection, in 2008. Five have announced they are not running for reelection. Republican Congressmen persuaded Gonzales to resign, before he was impeached. Republicans will force Cheney to resign, to avoid repeated coverage of Congressional investigations of Cheney’s crimes and probable political advertisements, emphasizing Cheney’s crimes.

If Cheney is not removed before the Democratic and Republican National Conventions, next August, both parties will be targeted with daily Impeachment demonstrations. Republicans will want to avoid this and prevent losing even more Senators. Loss of 22 Senators, supporting Dick Cheney would be disastrous to the Republicans, in 2008, with a Democratic president, Democratic House of Representatives and Democratic Senate.

It is time to circulate Resolutions for Impeachment petitions locally, at the city, county and state level, to help our cowardly Congress find courage to perform their constitutional duty.

The founding fathers pledged their lives, fortunes and sacred honor, with a firm reliance on divine providence, to establish this republic.

When will the House of Representatives take an effective stand against the culture of corruption, in the Republican administration, by passing Articles of Impeachment?

Impeachment teach in

Some sturdy DFNH-ers and others are working on putting together an impeachment teach in at Dartmouth College in late November. Watch this site for announcements. Tell your NH legislators to support Rep Betty Hall's resolution on impeachment.

NH can lead, especially if our representatives show the necessary spine.

Presidential Signing Statements

Task Force on Presidential Signing Statements and the Separation of Powers Doctrine
American Bar Association

Release: Embargoed for AM Editions, Monday, July 24, 2006
Media contact: Nancy Cowger Slonim
Phone: 312/988-6132
Email: slonimn@staff.abanet.org
Online: www.abanews.org

BLUE-RIBBON TASK FORCE FINDS PRESIDENT BUSH'S SIGNING STATEMENTS
UNDERMINE SEPARATION OF POWERS
WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 2006 – Presidential signing statements that assert President Bush’s authority to disregard or decline to enforce laws adopted by Congress undermine the rule of law and our constitutional system of separation of powers, according to a report released today by a blue-ribbon American Bar Association task force.

more below the fold
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To address these concerns, the task force urges Congress to adopt legislation enabling its members to seek court review of signing statements that assert the President’s right to ignore or not enforce laws passed by Congress, and urges the President to veto bills he feels are not constitutional.

The Task Force on Presidential Signing Statements and the Separation of Powers Doctrine was created by ABA President Michael S. Greco with the approval of the ABA Board of Governors in June, to examine the changing role of presidential signing statements after the Boston Globe on April 30 revealed an exclusive reliance on presidential signing statements, in lieu of vetoes, by the Bush Administration.

In appointing the special task force Greco said, “The use of presidential signing statements raises serious issues relating to the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. I have appointed the Task Force to take a balanced, scholarly look at the use and implications of signing statements, and to propose appropriate ABA policy consistent with our Association’s commitment to safeguarding the rule of law and the separation of powers in our system of government.”

The task force report and recommendations will be presented to the ABA’s policy-making House of Delegates for adoption at its upcoming Annual Meeting Aug. 7-8. Until the ABA House has taken formal action, the report and recommendations represent only the views of the task force.

The bipartisan task force, composed of constitutional scholars, former presidential advisers, and legal and judicial experts, noted that President George W. Bush is not the first president to use signing statements, but said, “It was the number and nature of the current President’s signing statements which … compelled our recommendations.”

The task force said its report and recommendations “are intended to underscore the importance of the doctrine of separation of powers. They therefore represent a call to this President and to all his successors to fully respect the rule of law and our constitutional system of separation of powers and checks and balances.”

The task force determined that signing statements that signal the president’s intent to disregard laws adopted by Congress undermine the separation of powers by depriving Congress of the opportunity to override a veto, and by shutting off policy debate between the two branches of government. According to the task force, they operate as a “line item veto,” which the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled unconstitutional.

Noting that the Constitution is silent about presidential signing statements, the task force found that, while several recent presidents have used them, the frequency of signing statements that challenge laws has escalated substantially, and their purpose has changed dramatically, during the Bush Administration.

The task force report states, “From the inception of the Republic until 2000, Presidents produced fewer than 600 signing statements taking issue with the bills they signed. According to the most recent update, in his one-and-a-half terms so far, President George Walker Bush ... has produced more than 800.”

The report found that President Bush’s signing statements are “ritualistic, mechanical and generally carry no citation of authority or detailed explanation.” Even when “(a) frustrated Congress finally enacted a law requiring the Attorney General to submit to Congress a report of any instance in which that official or any officer of the Department of Justice established or pursued a policy of refraining from enforcing any provision of any federal statute, … this too was subjected to a ritual signing statement insisting on the President’s authority to withhold information whenever he deemed it necessary.”

“This report raises serious concerns crucial to the survival of our democracy,” said Greco. “If left unchecked, the president’s practice does grave harm to the separation of powers doctrine, and the system of checks and balances, that have sustained our democracy for more than two centuries. Immediate action is required to address this threat to the Constitution and to the rule of law in our country.”

Greco said that the task force’s report “constructively offers procedures that consider the prerogatives both of the president and of the Congress, while protecting the public’s right to know what legislation is adopted by Congress and if and how the president intends to enforce it. This transparency is essential if the American people are to have confidence that the rule of law is being respected by both citizens and government leaders.”

The bipartisan and independent task force is chaired by Miami lawyer Neal Sonnett, a former Assistant U.S. Attorney and Chief of the Criminal Division for the Southern District of Florida. He is past chair of the ABA Criminal Justice Section, chair of the ABA Task Force on Domestic Surveillance and the ABA Task Force on Treatment of Enemy Combatants; and president-elect of the American Judicature Society.

"Abuse of presidential signing statements poses a threat to the rule of law," said Sonnett. "Whenever actions threaten to weaken our system of checks and balances and the separation of powers, the American Bar Association has a profound responsibility to speak out forcefully to protect those lynchpins of democracy."

The other task force members, whose brief background information follows, are William S. Sessions, Patricia M. Wald, Mickey Edwards, Bruce Fein, Harold Hongju Kho, Charles Ogletree, Stephen A. Saltzburg, Kathleen M. Sullivan, Mark Agrast, Tom Susman, and adviser Alan Rothstein.

The task force recommendations urge Congress to adopt legislation to permit the president, Congress or other entities to seek court review any time the president claims he has the authority, or states his intention, to disregard or decline to enforce all or part of a law he has signed, or when he interprets the law in a manner inconsistent with the intent of Congress. Currently, Congress lacks legal authority to seek judicial review in those circumstances.

The task force also urges the president to use his veto power, as all prior presidents have done, instead of a signing statement when he believes all or part of a bill is unconstitutional, in keeping with the Constitution’s requirement that the president either approve or disapprove in their entirety laws presented to him by Congress.

If the president believes a bill pending before Congress would be unconstitutional if enacted, he should communicate his concerns to Congress before the bill is passed, according to the task force.

Additionally, the task force urges Congress to enact legislation requiring the president promptly to submit to Congress an official copy of every signing statement he issues. Any time the president claims authority or states his intention to disregard or decline to enforce all or part of a law he has signed, the legislation should require him to submit a report to Congress, available in a public database, setting forth in full the reasons and legal basis for his position, said the task force.

Presidential signing statements are not new, according to the task force, which notes that “Presidents have issued statements elaborating on their views of the laws they sign since the time of President James Monroe.” But under President Ronald Reagan, “For the first time, signing statements were viewed as a strategic weapon in a campaign to influence the way legislation was interpreted by the courts and Executive agencies as well as their more traditional use to preserve Presidential prerogatives.” The report also notes that President Clinton, like his predecessors, used signing statements, but to a significantly lesser degree, and different purpose.

Among President Bush’s signing statements, the task force noted refusals to carry out laws involving "Congressional requirements to report back to Congress on the use of Patriot Act authority to secretly search homes and seize private papers, (and) the McCain amendment forbidding any U.S. officials to use torture or cruel and inhumane treatment on prisoners.”

Where legislation has mandated reports to Congress on special matters, such as the Intelligence Authorization Act of 2002, the signing statement treated the requirement as only advisory, said the task force. The task force said President Bush’s signing statements are “particularly adamant about preventing any of his subordinates from reporting directly to Congress.”

With more than 410,000 members, the American Bar Association is the largest voluntary professional membership organization in the world. As the national voice of the legal profession, the ABA works to improve the administration of justice, promotes programs that assist lawyers and judges in their work, accredits law schools, provides continuing legal education, and works to build public understanding around the world of the importance of the rule of law in a democratic society.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Information regarding the 10 task force members in addition to Chair Sonnett follows:

William S. Sessions, now in private practice in Washington, D.C., is a former director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, chief U.S. District Court judge for the Western District of Texas, U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Texas, and chief of the Government Operations Section of the U.S. Department of Justice.
Patricia M. Wald, most recently a member of the President's Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, is a former chief judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, and trial and appellate judge on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. She was an assistant attorney general for legislative affairs in the Carter Administration.
Former Rep. Mickey Edwards, a lecturer at Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and director of the Aspen Institute-Rodel Fellowships in Public Leadership, served in the House Republican Leadership as a member of Congress from 1977-1992, was a founding trustee of the Heritage Foundation, former national chair of the American Conservative Union, and director of policy advisory task forces for the Reagan presidential campaign.
Bruce Fein, a constitutional lawyer and international consultant with The Lichfield Group, was associate deputy attorney general and assistant director of the Office of Legal Policy of the Department of Justice under President Reagan. He also served as general counsel of the Federal Communications Commission, an adjunct scholar with the American Enterprise Institute, and a resident scholar at the Heritage Foundation.
Dean and professor Harold Hongju Koh of Yale Law School is one of the country's leading experts on international human rights and national security law. A former assistant secretary of state, Koh advised former Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright on U.S. policy on democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and also served as an attorney in the Office of Legal Counsel of the Department of Justice.
Charles Ogletree, the Harvard Law School Jesse Climenko Professor of Law, and Founding and Executive Director of the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice, is a prominent legal theorist who has made an international reputation by taking a hard look at complex issues of law and by working to secure the rights guaranteed by the Constitution for everyone equally under the law. The Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice (http://www.charleshamiltonhouston.org), named in honor of the visionary lawyer who spearheaded the litigation in Brown v. Board of Education, opened in September 2005, and focuses on a variety of issues relating to race and justice, and will sponsor research, hold conferences, and provide policy analysis.
Professor Stephen A. Saltzburg of George Washington University Law School was associate independent counsel in the Iran-Contra investigation and deputy assistant attorney general in the Criminal Division of the U. S. Department of Justice. He is the incoming chair-elect of the ABA Criminal Justice Section and serves in the association’s House of Delegates.
Professor Kathleen M. Sullivan of Stanford Law School, was dean of the school for five years. She heads Stanford's Constitutional Law Center, has taught at Harvard and University of Southern California law schools, and is a visiting scholar at the National Constitution Center. A nationally known constitutional law expert, she is co-author of a leading casebook in constitutional law.
Mark Agrast, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress in Washington, D.C., is formerly counsel and legislative director to Rep. William D. Delahunt (D-Mass.) and aide to Rep. Gerry E. Studds (D-Mass.). He is a member of the Board of Governors of the American Bar Association, chairs the ABA Commission on the Renaissance of Idealism in the Legal Profession, and is a past chair of the ABA Section of Individual Rights and Responsibilities.
Tom Susman, a partner in a Washington, D.C., law firm, has served as general counsel to the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee and several of its subcommittees, and in the Office of Legal Counsel of the U.S. Department of Justice. He is a member of the ABA House of Delegates, past chair of the ABA Section of Administrative Law and Regulatory Practice, and has served on the ABA Board of Governors.
Alan Rothstein is an advisor to the task force. He is general counsel to the Association of the Bar of the City of New York and coordinates the extensive law reform and public policy work of that 22,000-member association. He also serves in the New York State Bar Association House of Delegates.



Rick Maynard

Ignorance

It seems clear that the President and his cohorts are willfully ignorant of the rule of law by which all agents of government are to be limited and controlled. They seem to think that just as Democracy is merely an alternate selection process for picking the ruler, the rule of law means that, instead of a verbal instruction issued at the whim of the ruler, the law is to be written down.
What seems to be missing entirely is an understanding that in a Democracy the people rule and the agents of government are supposed to carry out what the people, through their representatives, demand.

It's my guess that if more Republicans understood that their official responsibilities involve doing what the great unwashed public demands, they'd have much less interest in taking on those positions.