TrueMajority's Holt Bill action alert should be reconsidered

Today many of you have received an action alert from TrueMajority, asking you to sign a petition in support of HR 550, also known as the Holt Bill. I would like to issue a counter alert.

The Holt Bill is well intended, but unfortunately, it is not just about paper ballots; it includes several dangerous provisions that are not good for our democracy at all.

Consequently, there are many election activists, including most of us on the DFNH Fair Elections Committee, who do NOT endorse the Holt bill as written. The movement of informed activists against the Holt bill is growing each day. This bill, like the Help America Vote Act, was borne from the grassroots but now seems to have been hijacked by special interests.

I have written three articles about this:

What's wrong with the Holt Bill? Part 1

What's wrong with the Holt bill? Part 2

What's wrong with the Holt bill? Part 3

I have been in touch with the Holt office, and they have acknowledged but not addressed our concerns. The problem with the bill as written is that it sets us up for a handover of election control to the executive branch.

So, raise your hands if you believe the White House will do a good and honest job of managing our federal, state, and local elections.

Now raise your hands if you want a federal agency to send in hired contractors to conduct recounts in New Hampshire, even, under certain circumstances, for state and local elections.

OK - if you haven't raised your hands for either of these questions, call Holt's office and ask them to change the bill. Let them know that you support their efforts, and you want to support the Bill, but you can not do so until they address our concerns.

Ask them to revise it so that it ONLY CALLS FOR PAPER BALLOTS. And nothing else. No audits, and no federal agency taking over our elections.

Congressman Rush Holt
District Office
50 Washington Rd.
West Windsor, NJ 08550
Phone - (609) 750-9365 Fax - (609) 750-0618

Washington Office
1019 Longworth House Office Building Washington, D.C. 20515
Phone - (202) 225-5801 Fax - (202) 225-6025

Then, write to TrueMajority, and tell them your concerns as well: info@truemajorityaction.org

Provisions of the Bill we support:

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Voter Confidence and Increased Accessibility Act of 2005’’.

SEC. 2. PROMOTING ACCURACY, INTEGRITY, AND SECURITY THROUGH VOTER-VERIFIED PERMANENT RECORD OR HARD COPY. (change "verified" to "verifiable")

Provisions we want stricken from the Bill:

SEC. 4. PERMANENT EXTENSION OF AUTHORIZATION OF ELECTION ASSISTANCE COMMISSION.

SEC. 5. REQUIREMENT FOR MANDATORY MANUAL AUDITS BY HAND COUNT.

SEC. 6. REPEAL OF EXEMPTION OF ELECTION ASSISTANCE COMMISSION FROM CERTAIN GOVERNMENT CONTRACTING REQUIREMENTS.

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HR 550

I’d like to start with two words: thank you. I deeply appreciate your commitment to open, honest, and auditable elections. I also appreciate your recognition of H.R. 550’s great promise and good intentions. For several years, I have been working on this issue with an army of citizens, voting experts, and computer scientists from across the country, and H.R. 550 is the product of their thoughtful analysis, hard work, and grassroots advocacy.

I know that others in the election reform community have already addressed your concerns in detail, but I wanted to take a moment to just reinforce a few key points. For more detailed comments, people should read analyses by Verified Voting and VoteTrustUSA.

I will just make four points of rebuttal, and then a comment. Before I do, however, I would ask that you join me in urging the House Administration Committee to mark-up H.R. 550 immediately. If the House takes no action at all, the 2006 elections – and perhaps the 2008 elections – will once again be un-audatible and un-verifiable. H.R. 550 is by far the strongest bill on the table, and blocking committee action on it is a surefire strategy to maintain the status quo.

A few points:

1) Neither the EAC nor a state may pick and choose where audits will be conducted. Selection of precincts for audit must be done at random. In other words, the EAC has no authority here. H.R. 550 is explicit on this point.

2) An audit is not the same as a recount. A recount seeks to determine the actual results of an election. By contrast, an audit ensures proper functioning of a voting system by spot-checking its tally against the voter-verified paper records. By testing randomly, an audit deters malfeasance because potential bad actors won’t know which 2% of precincts could be audited. If discrepancies are found, a larger audit follows, and potentially a recount.

3) H.R. 550 does not open the door to EAC contracting. Rather, it limits the EAC’s already existing power to do so by requiring public bidding on all contracts. This makes it possible for established citizen groups (perhaps such as your own) to bid for audit contracts. This is exactly what we want: regular citizens protecting the integrity of our elections. If we left it to the states to do audits, the results would be as we’ve seen in the past.

4) H.R. 550 does not call for DREs with printers. The bill only requires a voter-verified paper audit system that is accessible to all eligible voters. Section 2 of the bill explicitly contemplates paper ballots such as optical scan, mail-in, and those made by accessible marking devices. The bill would allow DREs only if they include a paper record.

In closing, H.R. 550 is the product of citizen activism in the greatest tradition of grassroots involvement. I reject, and in fact take umbrage at, any suggestion that the bill has been “hijacked.” To assert so is not only wrong, it is an insult to the thousands of people who have put in so much time, thought, and effort to improve and advance H.R. 550.

Sincerely,

Rep. Rush Holt (NJ-12)

My response to Rep. Holt's points

Since you never came back to discuss, Rep. Holt, I figured I'd just post my response here anyway. Here are your points, and my counterpoints.

HOLT: Neither the EAC nor a state may pick and choose where audits will be conducted. Selection of precincts for audit must be done at random. In other words, the EAC has no authority here. H.R. 550 is explicit on this point.

WHY THIS DOESN'T ANSWER OUR CONCERNS: Without quibbling over the semantics of EAC authority, which is being asserted as we speak by the EAC in any number of areas, let's just look at the matter of inserting federally mandated random "audits" into our process. The Supreme Court in 2000 selected a President for the United States of America. They did this by invoking the Equal Protection clause of the 14th Amendment, stating that partial recounts deny some voters of their rights to have their vote counted equally. This precedent, in fact, was just used again to decide a case in the 6th Circuit Court (Stewart v Blackwell). HR 550's "audits" become de facto recounts because 550 includes language to expand the audit if something awry is discovered, and it also expands citizens rights under HAVA to file a complaint due to any outcome of that audit. (Section 5, d & e) So under 550, citizens may file a complaint to respond "to an action taken by a State or jurisdiction in response to an audit conducted by the Commission under the Voter Confidence and Increased Accessibility Act of 2005 of the results of an election for Federal office or by the failure of a State or jurisdiction to take an action in response to such an audit." If this is not asking for a recount, challenging the outcome, and leading down the equal protection road to judicial election selection, what is? HR 550 supporters can say "no that won't happen" as much as they want. The fact is it has already happened - twice now, and calling a recount an audit is not going to change the outcome.

HOLT: An audit is not the same as a recount. A recount seeks to determine the actual results of an election. By contrast, an audit ensures proper functioning of a voting system by spot-checking its tally against the voter-verified paper records. By testing randomly, an audit deters malfeasance because potential bad actors won’t know which 2% of precincts could be audited. If discrepancies are found, a larger audit follows, and potentially a recount.

WHY THIS DOESN'T ANSWER OUR CONCERNS: Representative Holt, you yourself say above that the EAC audit can trigger a recount. The lines between audit and recount are very blurry and getting more so by the minute. See my response to audit/recount problems above. Because 550 allows expansion of the "audit" as well as an expanded citizen complaint process as relating to the "audit" outcomes, these audits may well constitute recounts. I dare say, any lawyer worth his salt who is challenging an outcome based on these audits will be calling them recounts. The unintended or intended consequences of the auditing aspect of this bill are enough to give one pause, and on top of that there are additional statistical dilemmas raised by others much smarter than myself with respect to the sampling configurations defined by HR 550. All of these points should be thoughtfully considered.

HOLT: H.R. 550 does not open the door to EAC contracting. Rather, it limits the EAC’s already existing power to do so by requiring public bidding on all contracts. This makes it possible for established citizen groups (perhaps such as your own) to bid for audit contracts. This is exactly what we want: regular citizens protecting the integrity of our elections. If we left it to the states to do audits, the results would be as we’ve seen in the past.

WHY THIS DOESN'T ANSWER OUR CONCERNS: This assumes that the federal government can do a better job of things than local government. Sure there are plenty of corrupt local governments, but they are more easily booted out than a corrupt federal government, as we all plainly see these days. But what about the states, like NH, that have more experience conducting manual counts than any other state, and they know how to do it right? Would we gain or lose from EAC contractors coming into the state to do our counts? We would lose. What standards are in place for best management practices for manual counting at the federal level (hint: none). What evidence do we have that the EAC conducts itself according to standards of transparency right now? (None. They just willy nilly swapped out documentation on their website - documentation that already ignored the thousands of public comments with respect to standards and guidelines.) We do not need another federal bureaucracy trumping states rights, and we absolutely do not need to create another election vote counting industry.

HOLT: H.R. 550 does not call for DREs with printers. The bill only requires a voter-verified paper audit system that is accessible to all eligible voters. Section 2 of the bill explicitly contemplates paper ballots such as optical scan, mail-in, and those made by accessible marking devices. The bill would allow DREs only if they include a paper record.

WHY THIS DOESN'T ANSWER OUR CONCERNS: HR 550 does not "not" call for DREs with printers.. NH law specifically states: "no voting machine or device shall be used in any election in this state unless it reads the voter's choice on a paper ballot ". I think this is pretty clear. Why can't 550 be as clear? This eliminates all questions about receipts, etc. and just zeroes in on the fact that election systems should have-- as their base-- voter marked and verifiable paper ballots.

HOLT: In closing, H.R. 550 is the product of citizen activism in the greatest tradition of grassroots involvement. I reject, and in fact take umbrage at, any suggestion that the bill has been “hijacked.” To assert so is not only wrong, it is an insult to the thousands of people who have put in so much time, thought, and effort to improve and advance H.R. 550.

WHY THIS DOESN'T ANSWER OUR CONCERNS: All due respect to the many people who have worked on this piece of legislation. But when the bill started out, it spoke to the issue of paper trails and black box technology. What happened in between to add this bit about the EAC? I find it hard to believe that this is a grassroots idea - but if it is, it's not one for which the "grassroots" has fully considered the consequences.

Additionally, the writing of the bill began several years ago, and what we know now is very different from what we knew, or were willing to acknowledge, then.

It is disingenous to the point of false advertising for HR550 proponents to talk about the 50,000+ signatures gathered in support of this bill, when those signatures were collected from mass mailings that stated nothing more than "demand a paper trail!" Large organizations like MoveOn.org and Common Cause enjoy a trust factor among many in their membership, and signatures solicited in this manner benefitted from this trust factor. But if their mailings had instead said "demand a paper trail, and demand a centralized executive commission of four presidential appointees to have power over the nation's election systems and vote counts" I question how many signatures would be on those petitions.

There has been huge resistance to ideas expressing a renewed understanding of election systems, the electronic voting industry, and the EAC. This resistance has resulted in a pushing back, shutting down, and complete inability on the part of 550 supporters to even discuss or address the kinds of concerns I have raised above. Some supporters of 550 have even stooped so low as to call those of us with differing opinions "enemies of auditable and verifiable elections" and their "opponents."

This is indeed a strange approach for people working so hard for transparency and democracy. And I have two words for those who take this approach:

Let's talk.

Let's talk

Representative Holt,

Thank you for posting your comments here on our website.

I apologize for strong language that has caused offense (such as referring to the bill as being "hijacked by special interests").

Obviously my use of this type of language does not help the dialogue, and I am gratified that you have chosen to engage in this dialogue.

As we face increasing electoral disasters in 2006, we all want to see the system repaired. But much of the chaos we now face is the result of the last sweeping election reform: HAVA. It's understandable that sweeping top-down electoral legislation is being met with not a small degree of skepticism.

While there is a sharp division among grassroots election activists on some aspects of your proposed legislation, there is much in which we are unified.

We can all be united in support of the bill if we could sit at the table together to smooth out the rough edges that some of us find in the language of the bill.

Let's talk. Let's figure it out.

Divergent opinions are the special seasoning that brings successful outcomes for the common good.

Holt's silence

Rep Holt has responded to this website, and also to Bev Harris's opposition to his bill on her site, BlackBoxVoting.org.

He is now silent.

Are Holt's "responses" nothing more than attempts to neutralize his opposition? Did he tire of seeing our opposition articles being circulated among election activists, so he popped in to make his points, make it appear he was "listening" to the little people?

Well, his points do not address the concerns we are raising. in fact, his office has never attempted to address our concerns. They have handily blown us off.

His appearance here and on Bev's site seems disingenuous at best.

The Bill is in the House Rules and Admin Committee. here are the members of that committee:

Republicans

Rep. Vernon Ehlers, 3rd-MI, Chairman

Rep. Bob Ney, 18th-OH

Rep. John Mica, 7th-FL

Rep. John T. Doolittle, 4th-CA

Rep. Thomas Reynolds, 26th-NY

Rep. Candice Miller, 10th-MI

Dems

Rep. Juanita Millender-McDonald, 37th-CA, Ranking Democrat Member

Rep. Robert A. Brady, 1st-PA

Rep. Zoe Lofgren, 16th-CA

Wake up people - things are slipping away

Proponents of the Holt Bill, including those in Holt's office, state that the EAC is not a regulatory agency, and we have nothing to fear from their "voluntary" guidelines and advisories.

Even if this is now correct--which is doubtful--the battle lines on its regulatory powers have already been drawn. Read on and become informed. Tell those folks in Holt's office who pooh-pooh our concerns to get their heads out of the sand. This is big, people.

Last November I cited the following instance of the EAC power-grab in my Gifts of HAVA document:

In a September 2005 EAC advisory, the following footnote asserted legal precedent for transforming administrative interpretation into de facto rulemaking authority (emphasis mine):

The EAC is the Federal agency charged with the administration of HAVA. HAVA requires the Commission to draft guidance to assist states in their implementation of Section 301(a). Although EAC’s administrative interpretations do not have the force of law associated with legislative rules, the Supreme Court has long held that the interpretations of agencies charged with the administration of a statute are to be given deferential treatment by courts when faced with issues of statutory construction.

This de facto authority can be manipulated to give an edge to paperless voting machines and discourage the use of paper-based systems.

But look what's currently in the news:

electionline Weekly – March 30, 2006

Director’s Note: Stealth Showdown Out West
“ NVRA” Tussle Between Arizona and EAC Could Reverberate

By Doug Chapin

Lost in higher-profile clashes over voting machines, voter databases and voter ID across the country, a developing spat between Arizona state and federal officials is rapidly shaping up to be a watershed event in the field of election reform.

The gory details
The substance of the dispute is deceptively arcane. It centers on Proposition 200, which was enacted by Arizona’s voters in 2004. Specifically, “Prop 200” amends state election law to prevent local registrars from accepting a voter registration application unless it is accompanied by some kind of state-approved documentation.

These requirements have drawn the attention of the U.S. Election Assistance Commission (EAC) in its enforcement role under the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA). Earlier this month, the EAC wrote Arizona Secretary of State Jan Brewer (R) to inform her that that Prop 200’s requirements violate NVRA to the extent that they constitute an additional citizenship requirement for individuals using the National Voter Registration Form.

A week later, Brewer fired back in a terse response disputing the EAC’s reasoning and conclusions, and insisting she would continue to require Arizona registrars to apply Prop 200 to all registration forms, including the federal form. In defense of Prop 200, she cited the pre-clearance of the state’s registration requirements - and its registration form - by the U.S. Department of Justice. She urged the Commission to relent; arguing that failure to do so “would be incredibly irresponsible and may unnecessarily disenfranchise voters using the Federal Form to register.”

Recently, a coalition of voter advocacy groups announced their intention to file suit, claiming that Prop 200 would affect registrants who lack the requisite identification – mostly out-of-state students or military voters.

Why you should pay attention
The showdown is, in many ways, a classic dispute between litigants – differing interpretations of applicable law and relevant facts (including whether Prop 200 affects the federal form or just the instructions for completing it) ultimately to be decided by the judiciary using established methods of legal reasoning.

That’s all “law talk”, however – and this case is much more interesting than just another caption in a casebook. Instead, Arizona v. EAC has potentially wide-ranging implications for election reform:

1. Arizona is challenging the EAC in an area where it actually has regulatory authority.

Most people who follow election reform are familiar with some version of the phrase “although the EAC lacks regulatory authority with regard to the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) …”

The conventional wisdom is that because HAVA withholds regulatory power from the EAC, the EAC therefore lacks regulatory authority of any kind. And yet, like so much conventional wisdom – it is wrong. HAVA Section 802 expressly transfers to the EAC regulatory authority over NVRA – meaning that the EAC’s interpretation of NVRA can be binding regulation, rather than “provisional guidance” as it would be under HAVA.

The difference is significant. HAVA notwithstanding, NVRA is arguably the most sweeping assertion of federal authority over state election procedures since the 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Not surprisingly, NVRA is unpopular among many election officials, who rankle at its combination of ease of registration and difficulty of list maintenance. Also not surprisingly, advocates like the Act for the same reasons.

If, therefore, Arizona is successful in using the EAC’s HAVA toothlessness to remove its NVRA teeth, it would once again shift the balance of power between those seeking greater access to voters and those seeking to enhance the integrity of the election process.

On the other hand, if the EAC were to “win” this showdown, it might be emboldened to expand its influence (or “cut its teeth”) in other areas – including but not limited to HAVA.

Read more